PrintIran's Revolutionary Guards or Sepah is a stepchild of the revolution. Created in 1979 to defend the nascent revolutionary government from its myriad enemies, it has been a dedicated and loyal defender of the Islamic order. Whether it was in street fighting in the revolutionary days, the bloody trenches of the Iran-Iraq War or in repulsing reformist encroachments, it was always Sepah at the frontlines of the struggle.
It is no exaggeration to say that the fate of the Islamic Republic has been and remains closely woven to that of Sepah.
Today, in yet another historic juncture, the Revolutionary Guards Corps of Iran is again being called upon to safeguard the revolution from threats no less dangerous and deadly to its existence: Iran's arch-enemies, the US and Israel, are intent on destroying its hard-won nuclear infrastructures and, quite possibly, decapitating its political and military leadership.
Judging from the announcements and the momentous transformations underway inside Sepah, it is clear that the country's leaders believe the group can rise to the occasion once again.
On 1 September, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei announced that Sepah Commander Major General Yahya Rahim Safavi would leave his post after 10 years in office. He was to be replaced with Brigader (now Major) General Mohammad Ali Jafari, the former head of Sepah's Center for Strategic Policymaking. This was followed by two other, equally significant, appointments. Brigader General Mohammad Hejazi, the famously doctrinaire head of the Basij militia, was to be the new chief of Sepah's Joint Forces Command. General Aliakbar Ahmadian was to take Jafari's old job.
These are neither cosmetic nor routine changes. Although the changes are presently confined to Sepah's command structure, several factors point to major transformations are in the works at the level of both strategic planning and organizational structure.
First, it is highly unusual that the Supreme Leader personally changes a military officer lower in rank than the top commanding officer. He can and, when necessary, does change the chief commander since no one else is above that position. But lower ranking commanders are replaced by the top commander himself and only later approved by the Supreme Leader.
Second, the job of the chief of Sepah's Joint Forces, which is effectively the second most important post in Revolutionary Guards, is now part of the former head of the Basij militia's duties. Along with the militia, which is known for its revolutionary zeal, the joint forces consist of the navy, air force and Quds Army.
This shift in job duties is both symbolic and significant. As Sepah's new chief, Jafari, said in a major speech to the group's commanders: "Sepah's mission is now the same as the Basij's mission."
Thirdly, Jafari who is known to be a brilliant military strategist is regarded in Sepah as innovative and open to new ideas and military doctrines.
Finally, Jafari is younger and, although an Islamicist to the core, comes from a different milieu than his predecessor. Safavi, before the revolution, was a member of a small Islamic armed cell that fought the Pahlavi regime. His world outlook, political alliance-making and sensibilities were different than Jafari's.
Welcome to a new Sepah
These transformations did not materialize in a vacuum. In general, changes in the Islamic Republic are never by volition; the transformations have come about thanks to important shifts at both the domestic and international level.
Domestically, Sepah has seen - quite naturally - in the years following the conclusion of the Iran-Iraq war, a diminution of its fighting spirit and "steadfastness." As the revolutionary wave has subsisted and everyone has been encouraged to enjoy life and prosper financially, Iranian society has become more lax and far less revolut
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